Mayor Angel Alan Celino

After being in office for 100 days, Mayor Alan Celino's case is still being talked about and his rise to "political stardom" remains the favorite topic in local coffee shops. Even the mayor himself considers his win over then Mayor Vicente Bermejo in the last election a "sweet victory."

It was a case of a David slaying a Goliath.

Backed by the powerful machinery of the Liberal Party, Celino, who exuded much confidence and lots of energy during the campaign season, won the hotly-contested mayoral race over Bermejo by a slight margin of 691 votes. Celino garnered 33,122 votes while Bermejo of the Ugyon Kita Capiz chalked up 32,431 votes. 

Celino shed "tears of joy" shortly after his proclamation. He practically ended Bermejo's more than two decades stint in local politics and put a halt to his continuous winning streak during elections.

Indeed, why did the then formidable Bermejo lose to Celino?

We can cite a number of reasons to explain this political debacle. But first, we must consider the Roxas factor, which is about the political clout and influence wielded by former Sen. Mar Roxas and his mother, Judy Araneta-Roxas.

Bermejo, after all, is seen as the creation of the Roxases. A case of spring cannot be higher than its source?

To better understand this political reality, we must go back to the time (1998 elections) when Bermejo, at the end of his term as Panay mayor, was fielded by the Roxases to run against the charismatic and popular reelectionist Capiz Gov. Esteban Contreras, who dropped the LP in favor of Lakas.

The Roxases went all out for Bermejo, with Mrs. Roxas reportedly spending a night in Dumarao just to convince Victor Tanco Sr. (now governor) to be Bermejo’s running-mate. Because of the persuasive powers of Mrs. Roxas and Mar, Tanco eventually agreed even though, he would explain later, he had prior commitment with Contreras.

In short, the Bermejo-Tanco tandem won over the Contreras ticket. And the rest, as they say, is history.

While the Bermejo camp projected much confidence during the campaign period, the LP practically left no stone unturned in its “media offensive” against Bermejo. The LP camp even succeeded in having the mayor’s close relative talk publicly about the alleged anomalous land deal of Bermejo when he was still steering the Capitol.

That Bermejo did not pay much attention to what he considered as “black propaganda” launched against him did not in any way help maintain the political momentum he enjoyed since the start of the campaign. In fact, in only made people to believe more that there could have been some grain of truth to the allegations.
That the LP critics also used the internet to spew venoms at the Roxases and their allies did not help either because only few people (compared to those who listen to the radio) had access to the said information technology.

Despite Bermejo’s image as a popular leader, the recent polls proved that this was not enough to propel him to victory.

Hounded by such issues as the one-way traffic along Roxas Avenue, collecting a three-month advance rental fees from stallholders of Teodoro Arcenas Trade Center, changing the plate numbers of tricycles with his photo, clearing sidewalks of vendors and other illegal structures, alleged corruption issues, his being “elite,” Bermejo’s political machinery crumbled at the last hour. 

But more than these, Bermejo’s defeat is seen more as a political matter, something of which he is accountable to his political masters. His case can be likened to that of a water which can never rise above its source.